• POLITICO survey finds 54% of Democrats, 53% of Republicans favor redrawing maps for partisan advantage
• Majority voters support using redistricting as weapon, not just leveling playing field for midterms
• Most voters oppose mid-decade redistricting despite backing partisan gerrymandering for their own party

WASHINGTON, D.C. (TDR) — American voters across the political spectrum support gerrymandering congressional districts to help their own party win elections, according to a new POLITICO poll that reveals widespread acceptance of partisan redistricting tactics heading into the 2026 midterms.

The survey of 2,098 U.S. adults found that 54% of Democratic voters and 53% of Republican voters favor redrawing congressional district maps to gain advantage over the opposing party. Even more striking, 68% of Democrats and 57% of Republicans support redistricting specifically to “neutralize the other party,” suggesting voters view gerrymandering as a legitimate political weapon rather than a democratic problem requiring reform.

National redistricting battle intensifies

The poll findings emerge as multiple states engage in unprecedented mid-decade redistricting efforts that could reshape congressional power ahead of the 2026 elections. President Donald Trump has pressured Republican-controlled states to redraw maps favoring GOP candidates, while Democratic governors have threatened counter-moves to protect their party’s interests.

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Texas Republicans successfully passed a new congressional map in August 2025 designed to deliver five additional GOP seats. However, a federal three-judge panel blocked the map Tuesday, ruling that the state had engaged in racial gerrymandering. The decision represents a significant setback for Trump’s nationwide redistricting strategy.

The public perception of this case is that it’s about politics. To be sure, politics played a role in drawing the 2025 Map. But it was much more than just politics. Substantial evidence shows that Texas racially gerrymandered the 2025 Map.

California voters responded by approving Proposition 50 on November 4, Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom’s gerrymandering measure designed to add up to five Democratic seats. The ballot language explicitly referenced Texas’s redistricting efforts, framing the measure as direct retaliation against Republican gains.

Contradiction in voter attitudes

Despite majority support for partisan gerrymandering, a separate Marquette Law School poll released Wednesday found that 71% of all voters oppose states redrawing congressional maps mid-decade. Only 28% of respondents favored mid-decade redistricting, revealing an apparent contradiction in public opinion.

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Voters appear comfortable with gerrymandering when it benefits their party but oppose the timing and frequency of redistricting efforts that disrupt traditional once-per-decade cycles following the census.

Republican advantages in redistricting wars

Republicans hold significant structural advantages in the current redistricting battle. The GOP controls state legislatures in more states than Democrats, providing greater opportunities to implement partisan gerrymanders. Republican-controlled states drew 191 congressional districts following the 2020 census, while Democrats fully controlled drawing only 75 districts.

Missouri, North Carolina, and Ohio have already passed new Republican-friendly maps. Missouri lawmakers approved a revised map targeting Democratic U.S. Representative Emanuel Cleaver’s Kansas City district, though opponents are pursuing a referendum petition to force a statewide vote.

North Carolina Republicans drew maps for the 2024 election that netted three new GOP seats. The state could potentially target Democratic Representative Don Davis in the Trump-won northeast district during future redistricting efforts.

Democratic retaliation strategies limited

Democratic governors face more obstacles implementing counter-gerrymanders. New York cannot complete redistricting in time for 2026 elections due to constitutional requirements. Virginia Democrats started a process requiring another vote in January before going to voters.

Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker hasn’t ruled out redistricting, but Republicans already hold only three of the state’s 17 congressional seats, leaving minimal room for additional Democratic gains. Maryland could target the eastern district held by Republican Representative Andy Harris, but the state already maintains a 7-1 Democratic advantage.

Democratic-run states more frequently have independent redistricting commissions or other redistricting limits compared to Republican states, constraining their ability to swiftly redraw maps. New York Governor Kathy Hochul said she’s “sick and tired of being pushed around” and suggested possibly amending the state constitution to eliminate the nonpartisan redistricting commission.

Supreme Court enables partisan gerrymandering

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2019 that partisan gerrymandering doesn’t violate the Constitution, determining it’s a political issue beyond federal court jurisdiction. The decision gave state legislatures broad authority to draw districts favoring their party, though racial gerrymandering remains prohibited.

Political scientists use computer simulations to demonstrate how extreme current gerrymanders have become. When maps are randomly drawn following legal constraints without partisan considerations, enacted maps consistently produce far more favorable outcomes for the controlling party than simulated alternatives would suggest.

The current Texas congressional map already ranked among the nation’s most extreme gerrymanders before the 2025 redrawing attempt. Trump won 58% of South Carolina’s vote in 2024, yet Republicans hold 86% of the state’s House delegation. In North Carolina, Trump won 51% but Republicans control 71% of congressional seats.

2026 midterm implications

With Republicans holding a narrow 219-214 House majority, each seat redistricting produces could determine congressional control. Historical patterns show the president’s party typically loses seats during midterm elections, intensifying both parties’ focus on maximizing partisan advantages through redistricting.

Democrats gained 40 seats and reclaimed House control during the 2018 midterms of Trump’s first term. The president explicitly stated his redistricting push aims to prevent similar losses in 2026 that would enable Democratic oversight and potential impeachment proceedings.

Should voters who support partisan gerrymandering for their own side simultaneously oppose mid-decade redistricting that makes such manipulation more frequent and transparent?

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