NEED TO KNOW

• Supreme Leader Khamenei entrusted Ali Larijani with day-to-day governance of Iran starting in early January amid protests and U.S. military threats
• President Pezeshkian has been effectively sidelined, publicly admitting he must appeal to Larijani to get things done
• Khamenei has ordered four layers of succession for every key government and military post in preparation for possible assassination

TEHRAN, IRAN (TDR) — Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has quietly handed the reins of Iran’s government to Ali Larijani, the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, according to a detailed New York Times investigation published Saturday. The move has concentrated enormous operational authority in the hands of a single political insider while sidelining elected President Masoud Pezeshkian — raising critical questions about governance, legitimacy and the durability of the Islamic Republic’s existing power structure.

The account is based on interviews with six senior Iranian officials, including one affiliated with Khamenei’s office, three members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and two former Iranian diplomats.

How Larijani Became Iran’s De Facto Leader

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Larijani, 67, is a veteran politician and former IRGC commander who served as Speaker of Parliament from 2008 to 2020 and previously led nuclear negotiations with the West. After the 12-day war with Israel in June 2025 devastated Iran’s military chain of command, Khamenei appointed him to head the Supreme National Security Council in August.

His portfolio expanded dramatically in January, when nationwide protests erupted over economic collapse and demands for regime change. The U.S. Treasury sanctioned Larijani on Jan. 15 for coordinating the crackdown that human rights groups say killed thousands.

“The supreme leader fully trusts Larijani. He believes Larijani is the man for this sensitive juncture because of his political track record, sharp mind and knowledge.” — Nasser Imani, conservative analyst close to the Iranian government

Larijani now oversees internal security, liaison with Russia and regional allies, and nuclear negotiations with Washington — a portfolio that effectively spans the full scope of governance.

Pezeshkian Pushed to the Margins

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Perhaps the most striking element of the NYT report is the extent to which Iran’s elected president has been reduced to a ceremonial figure. Pezeshkian, a heart surgeon turned politician, has publicly said he is a doctor, not a politician, and that no one should expect him to solve the country’s many crises.

The president reportedly told a cabinet meeting that he had to appeal to Larijani to lift internet restrictions that were harming e-commerce — a jarring admission of who actually holds decision-making power. When U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff sought to reach Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi during the January crackdown, Araghchi asked Pezeshkian for authorization to respond. The president directed him to get approval from Larijani instead.

“He is distributing power and preparing the state for the next big thing, both succession and war, aware that succession may come as a consequence of war.” — Vali Nasr, Iran expert, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies

Succession Plans and War Preparations

Khamenei has issued a series of internal directives designating four layers of succession for every military and government post he personally appoints. Senior officials have been instructed to name up to four replacements, and a small circle of loyalists has been delegated authority to make decisions if communications are severed or the supreme leader is killed.

The inner circle includes Maj. Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi, Khamenei’s top military adviser; Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who has been designated to command the armed forces during wartime; and former President Hassan Rouhani, a somewhat surprising addition given his marginalization in recent years.

Iran has reportedly placed all armed forces on the highest state of alert, positioned ballistic missile launchers along its border with Iraq and in the Persian Gulf, and prepared domestic security forces including Basij militia battalions for deployment to suppress potential wartime unrest.

What Critics and Experts Say

Not everyone views Larijani’s consolidation of power as a stabilizing force. The U.S. Treasury’s sanctions designation described him as someone who publicly called for security forces to use violence against peaceful protesters. Human rights groups have characterized the January crackdown — which Britannica estimates killed at least 30,000 based on internal Health Ministry data — as the deadliest repression since 1979.

Ali Vaez, the Iran director at the International Crisis Group, warned that despite the planning, the system remains fragile without Khamenei.

“He is still the super glue keeping the system together and everyone understands that if he is not there any more it would be hard to keep the system together.” — Ali Vaez, International Crisis Group

Meanwhile, nuclear talks continue. Both sides described recent Geneva negotiations as showing progress, with Iran reportedly drafting a proposal for further discussions expected as soon as this week. But the diplomatic window may be closing — U.S. officials have suggested the current push could be the last chance before military action.

When a regime consolidates power in the hands of an unelected insider while sidelining its president and preparing for both war and succession simultaneously — does that signal institutional resilience or a system approaching its breaking point?

Sources

This report was compiled using information from the New York Times investigation by Farnaz Fassihi, reporting by Ynet News, i24 News, Euronews, and the Jerusalem Post, official sanctions data from the U.S. Department of the Treasury, analysis from the International Crisis Group and the Middle East Institute, background from Britannica, Newsweek, and Iran International, nuclear diplomacy coverage from Axios, Al Jazeera, and NPR, and biographical data from Wikipedia.

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